Adios, Monroe Doctrine

When the Yanquis go home

The ouster of Honduran President Manuel Zelaya has provided Latin America with a revelatory moment. Beginning with the Monroe Doctrine--and extending through countless invasions, occupations, and covert operations--Washington has considered the region its backyard. So where was this superpower these past few months, as Honduras hung in the balance? More or less sitting on its hands. The fact is that the United States is no longer willing, or perhaps even able, to select who governs from Tegucigalpa, or anywhere else in the region for that matter. Looking back at the history of the hemisphere, this fact is remarkable--and certainly transformative. For the first time in centuries, the United States doesn’t seem to care much what happens in Latin America.

The roots of the diminishing U.S. presence can be found in the end of the cold war. It’s not that the rivalry with the Soviets was the only factor driving U.S. involvement in Latin America. Clearly, James Monroe and Teddy Roosevelt didn’t plunge their country deep into the hemisphere out of an anti-communist impulse. But the conclusion of the long struggle with the Soviets sharpened a question that may have long lurked in Washington’s subconscious: What national interests, exactly, did the United States have in Latin America?

Of course, it is tempting to view this possible retreat from the region as further evidence of Barack Obama’s realist foreign policy. But consider the approach of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. During their administrations, America’s grandest policy moves in the hemisphere were in the realm of economic policy--NAFTA, the Mexican bailout of 1995, CAFTA. And, when the United States did exert itself militarily, it did so in concert with regional allies--as was the case in Haiti and with Plan Colombia. But since George H.W. Bush’s invasion of Panama, there have been no unilateral military interventions, no coup plots or new embargoes, not even the propping up of decaying regimes.

To understand this new passivity, we can examine the two events that have most riled the old critics of imperialism: the Bush administration’s alleged complicity in the botched military coup against Hugo Chávez in 2002 and the plans to build a wall along the Mexican border. Both of these events are partly real and largely idle. Even if the coup plotters in Caracas had the tacit approval of the United States, they were almost certainly acting on their own, and sloppily. Meanwhile, the fence has yet to be completed. Recession has abated the human flow northward--and policymakers surely know that a wall will be futile once the economy eventually recovers.

At first, in the case of the Clinton years, this attitude of benign neglect made Washington popular. But then, for reasons having more to do with Iraq and Afghanistan, that popularity evaporated. And, in the end, the rise of anti-Americanism in the region didn’t make much of a difference. Chávez has not stopped selling oil to the United States; Ecuadorean President Rafael Correa rants against imperialism but maintains the dollar as his country’s national currency, with the Fed’s quiet acquiescence.

Of course, the United States still has its critics. Some--the left, mainly--would prefer that it play even less of a role: a unilateral end to the Cuban embargo, immigration reform, voiding the military basing agreement with Colombia. Others--the right, chiefly--have called for further confrontation with Chávez. But, by and large, a strange and centrist hemispheric consensus has emerged in support of U.S. indifference. Therefore, this policy will persist, unless things get nasty.

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COMMENTS (3)
12/28/2009 - 12:17pm EDT |

It's an intriguing piece, with many a good insight.

But I have to note that the only SPECIFIC instance Dr. Castañeda mentions to sustain his argument "world events do not seem likely to permit an indefinite U.S. disengagement from the region, nor would that be desirable" is the possibility of Ollanta Humala winning an election in Perú. It is, without a doubt, a very worrying scenario...especially for Peruvians, as Humalá is both highly skilled in the art of demagoguery and a Chávez-scale lunatic. But what, specifically, is the US meant to do about it? Funding his opponents would break Peruvian law and come with a very high risk of back-firing, anything more intrusive would seem so comple ... view full comment

12/28/2009 - 2:55pm EDT |

Thanks for including this article. The Obama Administration may be neglecting Latin America, but as someone who has lived there and has an ongoing interest, I am glad that TNR is not.

12/29/2009 - 11:08pm EDT |

It is interesting to observe how unhinged TNR's coverage of Latin America has become since Chavez came to power. I guess it must be the Iran connection, as tenuous as that is. We seem to get an unending series of propagandistic pieces, all attempting to set us a-tremble at the fearsome prospect of Chavez's "anti-Americanism" including this ridiculous piece by a "distinguished professor" that reads like a poorly sourced undergraduate paper. Is TNR angling for a Carlos Slim bailout or something?

"So where was this superpower these past few months, as Honduras hug perfunctory protests at the manner (though not really the fact) of Zelaya's ouster. As things ng in the balance? More or less sit ... view full comment

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