Middle of Nowhere

Splitting a baby is actually a bad thing.

Thus, by the transitive property, key Democrats have hitched their own support for health care to the whims of a large bloc of Republicans who lack any formal or informal criteria of their own. Picture the old Thomas Nast cartoon “ ’Twas Him,” with Boss Tweed and his cronies standing in a circle, each avoiding responsibility by pointing a finger at the man next to him.

Of course, the centrists portray their behavior not as unprincipled buck- passing but as an elevated form of civic virtue. “Something as big and important as health care legislation,” Grassley has opined, echoing a view that has been repeated by numerous worthies, “should have broad-based support.” (I’d argue that 60 Democratic senators, representing 64 percent of the population, count as “broad-based.”) Now Grassley is saying that he favors “incremental” reform. But, if it’s not going to be big anymore, then why must it be bipartisan?

Ted Kennedy’s death has spurred a large number of encomiums to the virtues of compromise and deal-making. But this confuses the necessity of compromise with the desirability of compromise. “Half a loaf is better than none” is a good argument to make to liberals who might be disappointed with an imperfect final deal. It’s not a good argument on behalf of centrists who are themselves forcing liberals to take half a loaf. Senator Kent Conrad spent months insisting liberals should abandon a public option because it couldn’t pass. Finally, he admitted that he, too, opposed it.

The fetishization of compromise often overlooks whether such a compromise makes any inherent sense. Not all issues lend themselves to compromise. Joe Lieberman recently piped up that he prefers to take minor steps on health care--such as banning insurance company discrimination against those with preexisting conditions--and forego covering the uninsured.

But, if you forbid insurance companies from discriminating against the sick without bringing healthy people into the risk pool, then healthy people would have no reason to buy insurance. They could just wait until they get sick and take out a policy, and the insurance companies would have to sell them one. Rates would skyrocket, and the whole system would become unaffordable. Some say we should build a bridge across a river. Others say we shouldn’t. Joe Lieberman wants to build a bridge halfway across.

Lieberman explained his rationale by reaching for a historical analogy. “I think great changes in our country often have come in steps,” he said a couple of weeks ago. “The civil rights movement occurred--changes occurred in steps.” Actually, almost all of the civil rights movement’s progress happened in one big bang, after decades of stagnation. It also required the Senate to put the needs of the country ahead of its own customs by circumventing the committee that had traditionally bottled up civil rights legislation. There is a lesson here for the present day, though not the one Senate centrists seem to have absorbed.

Jonathan Chait is a senior editor for The New Republic.

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COMMENTS (7)

09/09/2009 - 1:22am EDT |

Hmm...

Chait seems to be saying this:

As a social psychologist Cokie Roberts will make a great political pundit someday.

Just not anytime soon.

I find that an odd reaction to this:

“I think that often where I am is just in the middle. The middle is often the commonsensical place to be. The notion that one side is right and one side is wrong is generally, as one finds in life, not the case.” Cokie Roberts

What makes this something to be dunked condescendingly in irony? I know little or nothing about where Cokie's head is "on the issues". But this point of view is very well stated about political commitments in general. In fact, the very idea of democracy itself is predicated in large part o ... view full comment

09/09/2009 - 1:30am EDT |

That should read "tentatively and precariously for starters."

gw

09/09/2009 - 2:36pm EDT |

Perfectly said. Chait is the man!

09/09/2009 - 4:25pm EDT |

"A huge proportion of self-styled “centrist” thought simply boils down to surrendering one’s own capacity to make normative judgments about politics and public policy." Sorry, but that is bs. People make compromises on a whole host of issues, take abortion. You can say abortions without restrictions paid for by tax dollars on one end, to no abortions even to save the life of the mother on the other. Few Americans go to these extremes, some, like myself, see no problem with restrictions on abortion past a certain stage, or parental notification of parents (except under extraordinary circumstances), no tax payer funded abortions, etc. You can certainly compromise on this issue, I imagine ... view full comment

09/09/2009 - 4:28pm EDT |

umm george (or d/a, or whatever schizophrenic personality is writing today), I would not be worried about any spelling mistakes (I only passingly glanced at your correction) since no one reads what you right. honestly, you can do a test and write nothing but gibberish and see if anyone notices. Wait, damn, my mistake that is all you write anyhow.

09/10/2009 - 4:05pm EDT |

Blackie, I don't think Chait's point is that it is always wrong to hold a position that could be described as in the middle or that it is always wrong to compromise. In fact, he recognizes the need to compromise. What he's really arguing against is the tendency we have to imbue whatever position could plausibly be labeled as "in the middle" with substantive merit on that basis alone. There's nothing good, in and of itself, about being in the middle. A middle position can be right or wrong, just as non-middle position can be right or wrong. If a middle position is good, it is good for reasons other than its location, and must be defended on its merits. It's middleness is not evidence of ... view full comment

09/17/2009 - 9:34pm EDT |

JC wrote:

>Or consider the nasty contretemps between Galileo and the Catholic Church. Both sides staked out such unyielding positions on whether the Sun revolved around the Earth or vice versa. A lot of vitriol could have been avoided if each party had agreed to the simple proposition that the two bodies revolve around each other.

Actually, the moderate in this case is correct: the Sun and Earth each revolve around their common center of gravity. Because the Sun weighs about 300,000 times the Earth, however, said center of gravity is so close to the Sun's center (and so deep beneath its surface) as to be unnoticeable.

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