Reinhold Niebuhr at TNR
get the magazine
Intellectual rigor. Honest reporting. Influential analysis. Don't miss another issue of the magazine considered "required reading" by the world's top decision-makers. Subscribe today.
But that is not the whole transparency story. There is a type of transparency project that should raise more questions than it has--in particular, projects that are intended to reveal potentially improper influence, or outright corruption. Projects such as the one that the health care bill would launch--building a massive database of doctors who got money from private interests; or projects such as the ones (these are the really sexy innovations for the movement) to make it trivially easy to track every possible source of influence on a member of Congress, mapped against every single vote that the member has made. These projects assume that they are seeking an obvious good. No doubt they will have a profound effect. But will the effect of these projects--at least on their own, unqualified or unrestrained by other considerations--really be for the good? Do we really want the world that they righteously envisage?
With respect to data about campaign contributions, the history of transparency is long. Disclosure requirements for federal elections are a century old next year. For more than three decades, we have known the names of everyone who gives significant amounts to a federal campaign. Or at least we have "known" them in the sense that if you hustled yourself to a government file cabinet, you could discover who contributed what--often months after the election, and often with the cabinet located far from any convenient place. To this day, practical matters work against practical access. In the Senate, for example, those names are reported to the FEC the old-fashioned way--on paper. Staffers for senators collect the data in sophisticated computer programs that make it simple to manage efficiently the most valuable data for any political campaign. When it comes time to report the data that they have collected, however, they print the data on paper, forcing FEC staffers to re-enter it into FEC databases. This process takes time, giving senators a comfortable window at the end of any campaign to secure last- minute funding to avoid defeat with minimal scrutiny.
The hope of the naked transparency movement is to change this. Through better code--in better legislative rules and in better technology--its aim is to make it trivially easy to get access to records suggesting influence, and then link those records automatically to the possible influence that they suggest. Consider, for example, an early instance of this work, presented in a recent report by Maplight.org, analyzing the House vote on the cap-and-trade bill. Titled "How Money Watered Down the Climate Bill," the report enumerates a long list of correlations between money given and results produced. In a section labeled "Amendment to gut the whole bill," for example, the report states: "Each legislator voting Yes … received an average of $37,700 from the Oil & Gas, Coal Mining and Nuclear Energy industries between 2003 and 2008, more than three times as much as the $11,304 received by each legislator voting No." In a section labeled "Oil and gas giveaway," describing an amendment to "increase eligibility for industrial polluters like oil and gas refiners to receive carbon allowances," the report states that "the Oil & Gas industry gave an average of $72,119 to Energy & Commerce Committee members from 2003 [to] 2008." And in a section labeled "Redefining renewable biomass," the report describes an amendment "to broaden the definition of renewable biomass [which the League of Conservation Voters said] would have removed critical safeguards that prevent habitat on our nation’s public and private forests from being plowed up": "Energy & Commerce Committee members who voted Yes on the Walden amendment received an average of $25,745 each from the Forestry and Paper Products industry, ten times as much as the $2,541 received, on average, by each member voting No."
This is a crude but powerful beginning. It points to an obvious future. Even this clarity took an enormous effort to produce, and there are obviously a million other ways in which the data might be inspired to speak. As Congress complies with the clear demands of transparency, and as coders devise better and more efficient ways to mash-up the data that Congress provides, we will see a future more and more inundated with claims about the links between money and results. Every step will have a plausible tie to troubling influence. Every tie will be reported. We will know everything there is to know about at least the publicly recordable events that might be influencing those who regulate us. The panopticon will have been turned upon the rulers.
What could possibly be wrong with such civic omniscience? How could any democracy live without it? Finally America can really know just who squeezed the sausage and when, and hold accountable anyone with an improper touch. Imagine how much Brandeis, the lover of sunlight, would have loved a server rack crunching terabytes of data. As a political disinfectant, silicon beats sunlight hands down.
Intellectual rigor. Honest reporting. Influential analysis. Don't miss another issue of the magazine considered "required reading" by the world's top decision-makers. Subscribe today.
COMMENTS (1)
Regarding a general lack of transparency in government:
Until we are fully briefed on all that is not transparent in our government how can we possibly suggest what should be?
What do we really know about all these secrets? What do we know about how they become secrets....about who decides this...about what criteria they are based on?
From Watergate on we have learned that governnent officials lie to us. Over and over and over and over and over again. And these lies are facilitated by an immense wall of secrecy that pervades so many important policy decisions. Matters that can literally revolve around life and death for example. Matters of war.
Besides, transparency that involves the relationshi ... view full comment
Regarding a general lack of transparency in government:
Until we are fully briefed on all that is not transparent in our government how can we possibly suggest what should be?
What do we really know about all these secrets? What do we know about how they become secrets....about who decides this...about what criteria they are based on?
From Watergate on we have learned that governnent officials lie to us. Over and over and over and over and over again. And these lies are facilitated by an immense wall of secrecy that pervades so many important policy decisions. Matters that can literally revolve around life and death for example. Matters of war.
Besides, transparency that involves the relationship between doctors and drug companies or Congress and Wall Street is virtually meaningless unless local and national news orgnizations make a concerted effort to get this information out to the public. Do any of us honestly imagine most voters will go online to ferret out the informtion themselves?
So, why doesn't the mainstream media pursue this? I read article after article on the healthcare debate here at TNR for example and hardly ever run across the sort of information readily available to The Editors at sites like OpenSecrets.org. Why is that?
But of much greater importance: Until we have an electorate far more politically sophisticated than the millions upon millions of dittoheads we must endure election cycle after election cycle even the stuff that is not secret is minimally effective in changing the way money is for all practical purposes the "legislative process" in Washington.
LL
...there is also little doubt that it is impossible to know whether any particular contribution or contributions brought about a particular vote, or was inspired by a particular vote. Put differently, if there are benign as well as malign contributions, it is impossible to know for any particular contribution which of the two it is.
gw:
Yes, candidate X can receive $200,000 from industry Y; and candidate X can then vote [by and large] for the interests of industry Y; but there is no way to crawl inside the candidate's head and prove that the latter is consciously connected to the former.
Plausable deniability is built right into these transactions. In fact it is built into virtually every human transaction in which one cannot determine or disclose beyond a shadow of a doubt what another's INTENTION was. It depends on how one wants to define what is or is not "plausable". After all, can anyone demonstrate definitively that Scalia, Thomas, Rehnquist etc. voted for Bush in 2000 because, like them, he was a conservative. Oh no, they'll insist, it was simply what an impartial reading of Constitution called for!!
But passing laws to obviate this through "public financing" isn't the way to go here. Instead, progressives should be out in the communities; they must become activists organizing a political movement that will elect Congresswomen and Congressmen who refuse to be bought and paid for in the first place. You don't need transparency in campaign financing if the candidates refuse to play the game, do you?
But again what is the role of the mainstream media in all this? Do not these news organs receive enormous sums of money through advertising FROM THE VERY SAME PEOPLE who buy legislation in Congress? What about the lack of transparency here?
LL:
In the context of public health, where doctors are forced to reveal any connection with industry, I cannot begin to imagine what that solution would look like. The citizenry is not remotely willing to fund publicly the research necessary to support drug development today.
george:
If laws prohibit doctors from accepting gratuities from those who would profit by drugs or sevices the doctors pushed on patients what would be the need for transparency? Instead, we would need an efficient and effective regulatory agency to make certain this sort of thing did not happen at all. To link a patient's health to a profitable transaction for Drug Company Z, is simply outrageous. Why would we need to focus on full disclosure when there should be nothiong to disclose in the first place if these exchanges were prohibited and the laws were vigorously enforced?
george walton
j